http://intelligentcop.tigblog.org/ What's on the minds of young leaders from around the globe? en-us http://intelligentcop.tigblog.org/post/496301
"We are deeply concerned about insecurity in the Tribal Areas [of Pakistan] and the influx of Pakistani refugees into Afghanistan," Abdul Qader Ahadi, deputy minister in the MoRRA, told Reporter in Kabul on 5 October.

The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) said over 3,900 families (about 20,000 individuals) had abandoned their homes in the Bajaur Agency of Pakistan's Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) and sought refuge in Afghanistan's eastern province of Kunar over the past few weeks.

The Afghan government's warning echoes similar concerns raised by others.

"The continued fighting in southern Afghanistan and the more recent conflict in northern Pakistan are creating a very dangerous situation in the region for civilians trying to find refuge. With the end of the Muslim holy month of Ramadan, there is an expectation that even more civilians will leave their homes to avoid the fighting," Amnesty International said in a statement on 3 October.

Afghan refugees in FATA?

Armed clashes between Pakistani security forces and Islamist militants associated with the Taliban in FATA and elsewhere in Pakistan have affected local people and Afghan refugees living there, aid agencies said.

In a bid to clear the FATA of Islamist insurgents, the Pakistani government on 3 October reportedly called on Afghan refugees living in the Bajaur border region to vacate the area within three days.

Nader Farhad, a spokesman for the UNHCR in Kabul, said there were no confirmed reports of "registered Afghan refugees" living in the volatile Tribal Areas.

"UNHCR does not have access to the Tribal Areas and we are not aware of registered Afghan refugees there," Farhad told Reporter, adding that refugee camps in FATA were closed down in 2005 at the request of the Pakistani government.

"We have requested the Pakistani authorities to ensure that registered refugees who may still live in the FATA are not forced to return to Afghanistan," Farhad said, adding that the option to relocate elsewhere in Pakistan must be made available to refugees.

Both MoRRA and the UNHCR said any unregistered Afghans living in the FATA might be deemed eligible for forced deportation.

Humanitarian response

Afghan government bodies and several aid organisations, such as the International Committee of the Red Cross, have delivered food and non-food assistance to some Pakistani refugees in Kunar Province, the MoRRA said. No figures were available.

The UNHCR said it had distributed non-food items such as plastic sheets, blankets, jerry cans and lanterns to families and was coordinating aid activities for the Pakistani refugees. ]]> Mon, 06 Oct 2008 09:37:00 EDT http://intelligentcop.tigblog.org/post/496301 7.3877778 3.89638897.38777783.8963889 http://intelligentcop.tigblog.org/post/380015 Daren Thayne, who joined the company in November of 2007, came from The Generations Network (formerly MyFamily.com), where he served as]]> Fri, 30 May 2008 06:05:00 EDT http://intelligentcop.tigblog.org/post/380015 7.3877778 3.89638897.38777783.8963889 http://intelligentcop.tigblog.org/post/362981
The Universal Flag embraces All, and can therefore, never represent any one particular group, race, religion, creed, or anything that creates the illusion of separateness. It is a symbol that transcends differences, while honoring the uniqueness and commonality of all people. ]]> Mon, 28 Apr 2008 07:07:00 EDT http://intelligentcop.tigblog.org/post/362981 7.3877778 3.89638897.38777783.8963889 http://intelligentcop.tigblog.org/post/337069

South East Asia
(Cambodia, Indonesia)

South Asia
(India, Nepal, Sri Lanka)

Central Asia
(Central Asian Republics, Afghanistan)


Cambodia
This article provides a chronology of Cambodian conflict from World War II to 2002, including the genocide and the role of the international community in the rise and fall of the Khmer Rouge.

Kiernan B., 2002, 'Conflict in Cambodia, 1945-2002', Critical Asian Studies, 34 (4), pp. 483-495
How did the geo-politics of the Far East, and in particular the policies of the US and China affect the recent history of Cambodia? Why did the United Nations prevaricate about recognising the genocide? While confrontation continues what are the related fates of democracy, the environment, and the rule of law in Cambodia’s development? This chapter from Critical Asian Studies on “Conflict and Change in Cambodia” introduces this investigation by explaining the complex historical background since 1945 and by summarising the other contributions.
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The following two articles question the compatibility of economic liberalisation, advocated by donor agencies, with post-conflict reconstruction and security sector reform in Cambodia.

Hendrickson, D., 2001, 'Globalisation, Insecurity and Post-War Reconstruction: Cambodia's Precarious Transition', IDS Bulletin, vol. 32 no. 2, 2001, pp. 98-106
Taking Cambodia as an example, this article argues that imposing rapid marketisation on a weak political and legal framework can increase socio-economic insecurity among vulnerable groups. Post-war reconstruction focusing on macro-economic stability exacerbated political tensions, while donors' desire to down-size the civil service conflicted with one of the key stabilising features of the first post-war coalition - the integration of members of the two incoming parties into the administration and security apparatus.
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Hendrickson, D., 2001, 'Cambodia's Security-Sector Reforms: Limits of a Downsizing Strategy', Conflict Security and Development, vol. 1, Issue 1, pp. 67-82
The IMF's loan assistance to Cambodia is conditional on economic liberalisation and stabilisation programmes, including a reduction in public spending. Military expenditure was judged excessive and thus a key security sector reform was downsizing. Demobilisation reforms were through the Cambodia Veteran's Assistance Programme (CVAP), re-established by the World Bank in 1999 after political obstacles hindered its implementation in 1994. However, a paper from the Conflict, Security and Development Group argues lessons were not learnt from previous, failed, reform efforts.
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Indonesia
This document takes an empirical approach to considering the nature of communal violence in Indonesia before and after the fall of President Soeharto in 1998.

Varshney, A., Panggabean, R. and Tadjoeddin, M.Z., 2004, 'Patterns of Collective Violence in Indonesia (1990-2003)', United Nations Support Facility for Indonesian Recovery (UNSFIR), Jakarta
Regardless of violent incidents, no systematic reports on conflict have been published by the Indonesian government, which has remained intent on maintaining the appearance of order and stability. How widespread is collective violence? What patterns of can be observed? This paper by the United Nations Support Facility for Indonesian Recovery is based on the first database ever constructed on group violence in Indonesia (in the period 1990-2003), and identifies various national, regional and local patterns of collective violence.
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This IDEA report considers challenges that Indonesia faces in the process of democratisation and identifies key areas for advocacy, policy and reform.

International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, 2000, 'Democratization in Indonesia: An Assessment', International IDEA: Stockholm
The fall of President Soeharto in 1998 triggered and created opportunity for democratic reform in Indonesia. What are the compelling democratisation issues for the government and the people of Indonesia? What recommendations can be made about the direction of the ongoing reform? This paper, a product of the Forum for Democratic Reform facilitated by the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, identifies the core issues for review and offers extensive recommendations for democratic reform in Indonesia.
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India
Despite the establishment of a secular state on independence, India continues to be troubled by internal inter-religious conflicts. The diverse population of India's Northeastern provinces has witnessed insurgent, secessionist and tribal conflict since its relative isolation from the rest of the country on Independence. This survey details conflict backgrounds, dynamics and official and civil society resolution attempts across the seven 'sister-states' of Northern India.

Sahni, A., 2002, 'Survey of Conflicts and Resolution in India's Northeast', Faultlines: Writings on Conflict and Resolution, Vol 12, South Asia Terrorism Portal and Institute for Conflict Management
India's Northeast has a long history of conflicts, corruption and terrorist violence. How are the conflicts to be defined and what methods of conflict resolution are appropriate? How should development and security be promoted in the region? While there have been several governmental peace initiatives, multi-track diplomacy and non-governmental organisations' peace activities are at an incipient stage. International interventions - direct or indirect - in any conflict resolution processes are not encouraged by the government, though mediated developmental interventions are sanctioned.
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This report reviews one of the most recent and disturbing incidents of communal violence in Gujarat, western India, 2002, including allegations of state collusion and recommendations for action.

Human Rights Watch, 2002, ''We Have No Orders To Save You': State Participation and Complicity in Communal Violence in Gujarat', Human Rights Watch report, 14, No 3 (C)
Communal violence rose in the state of Gujarat following the torching of two train cars carrying Hindu activists in February 2002. This report from Human Rights Watch overviews the fervent attacks, analyses the context of growing Hindu nationalism and state participation in violence, and provides recommendations to local and international powers to restore security and stability in the region
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Nepal
This document provides more detailed background information about the conflict and the 2003 ceasefire.

International Crisis Group, 2003, 'Nepal Backgrounder: Ceasefire - Soft Landing or Strategic Pause?', ICG Asia Report No 50, ICG, Brussels
The announcement of a ‘code of conduct’ which was reached between the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) and the government forces signalled an opportunity for a genuine peace in Nepal. However, each side continued to accuse the other of persistent violations and the situation remains fragile. What are the chances for genuine peace and stability in Nepal? This report by the International Crisis Group lays out the background of the conflict and analyses the positions of the various actors, both domestic and international.
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This brief paper presents an update after the collapse of the 2003 ceasefire.

International Crisis Group, 2003, 'Nepal: Back to the Gun', ICG Asia Briefing Paper October 2003, ICG, Brussels
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Sri Lanka
Twenty years of ethno-political conflict has precipitated insecurity and limited the impact of development across Sri Lanka. This conflict assessment analyses the conflict and resolution attempts in Sri Lanka in order to understand better the links between conflict and donor poverty reduction attempts.

Goodhand, J., 2001, 'Conflict Assessments: Aid, Conflict and Peace Building in Sri Lanka', Conflict, Security and Development Group, University of London, London
Donors increasingly recognise the need to understand better the links between development, conflict and poverty, and to design programmes that address the roots of conflict. This report for the Conflict, Security and Development Group at the University of London analyses how donors could improve their strategies in Sri Lanka, where violent conflict has prevented the country from reaching its potential.
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The following paper draws lessons from recent peace process attempts to make recommendations to all stakeholders for successful future peace negotiations.

Ferdinands, T., Rupesinghe, K., Saravanamutthu, et al., 2004, 'The Sri Lanka Peace Process at a Crossroads: Lessons, Opportunities and Ideas for Principled Negotiations and Conflict Transformation', Centre for Policy Alternatives, Colombo
The Government of Sri Lanka (GoSL) and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) need a negotiated settlement to the island's ethno-political conflict. There have been more than five decades of conflict for a more inclusive state and nearly two decades of civil war. What lessons, opportunities and ideas came from the Oslo Communiqué that could enhance the next phase of the peace process? Five authors, employed by Non-governmental organisations working in Sri Lanka, wrote this discussion document in a personal capacity.
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Central Asian Republics
The short history of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan since the demise of the Soviet Union has been turbulent, and the future appears unsettled. The region is troubled by ethnic tensions, border disputes, poverty and natural resource shortages. This report focuses on border disputes as a potential source of conflict.

International Crisis Group, 2002, 'Central Asia: Border Disputes and Conflict Potential', ICG Asia Report No 33, ICG, Osh/Brussels
How can peaceful resolution of border disputes be achieved? What would the benefits be? This study by the International Crisis Group describes how the borders of the states of Central Asia, drawn up by the Soviets in 1920s, often followed neither natural geographic boundaries nor strict ethnic lines. For independent states these international borders create considerable conflict. Following a decade of mainly antagonistic attempts to re-define them and resolve the conflicts, this report suggests alternative ways to proceed.
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This report explores state relations with Islam in case studies from Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan and the potential this raises for instability.

International Crisis Group, 2003, 'Central Asia: Islam and the State', ICG Asia Report No 59, ICG, Osh/Brussels
To avoid future instability, Central Asian states need to re-examine their policies towards Islam. This report from the International Crisis Group looks at Islam in Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan. It argues that these governments need to undermine support for extremist groups through policies of political liberalisation, economic reform and effective governance.
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The following report is the first of a series of case studies on the Global Conflict Prevention Pool, covering Chechnya, Georgia and Kyrgyzstan.

Austin, G. and Bergne, P., 2004, 'Russia and the Former Soviet Union', Evaluation of the Conflict Prevention Pools Case Study, DFID
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Vaux, T., and Goodhand, J., 2001, 'Conflict Assessments: Disturbing Connections: Aid and Conflict in Kyrgyzstan', The Conflict, Security and Development Group, University of London, London
How do development assistance and conflict dynamics interact in Central Asia? This report, published by the Conflict, Security and Development Group at the University of London, looks at sources of conflict in Kyrgyzstan from the viewpoint of the aid donor. It analyses how development policy and practice could be made more sensitive to the dynamics of conflict and peace.
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Cramer, C. and Goodhand, J., 2002, 'Try Again, Fail Again, Fail Better? War, the State and the 'Post-Conflict' Challenge in Afghanistan', Development and Change, vol. 33, no. 5, pp.885-909
Peace and reconstruction in Afghanistan require a significant expansion of institutionalised economic interdependence. This must build on existing patterns of interdependence, despite these being forged in a war economy. The article argues that an effective, centralised state, with a clear monopoly of violence, is necessary. This argument challenges standard international policy paradigms of reconstruction and points to an alternative basis for international engagement in Afghanistan.
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Afghanistan
The recent history of Afghanistan is narrated by religious based conflict, most recently punctuated by the US attack against the Taliban regime. This essay provides an historical and political analysis of conflict and state formation in Afghanistan in order to inform future international engagement.

Strategies for peace-building in Afghanistan were articulated in Bonn in 2001. Responding to the Bonn Agreement, this paper advocates a long-term perspective on peace-building and reconstruction in Afghanistan.

Wimmer, A. and Schetter, C. 2002, 'State - Formation First: Recommendations for Reconstruction and Peace-Making in Afghanistan', Journal of International Development, Volume 15, Issue 5 , pp. 525 - 539
This discussion paper recommends revisions of the programme for reconstruction and peace-making in Afghanistan, as defined at conferences in Bonn and Tokyo. The programme needs to take a more long-term perspective; have a clearer strategic vision and be better adapted to Afghanistan's situation. It must be designed to overcome political fractures through state-building rather than through 'civil society', the current focus of development policies. Recent Security Council decisions are moving in the right direction, opting for aid to be coordinated through the transitional government and suitable local authorities rather than a special UN organisation.

This report critically assesses the progress in peace-building and reconstruction two years after Bonn, and considers the policy agenda that lies ahead.

Suhrke, A., Harpviken, K.B. and Strand, A., 2004, 'Conflictual Peacebuilding: Afghanistan Two Years after Bonn', Chr. Michelsen Institute (CMI), Norway
The Bonn Agreement established a transitional regime for Afghanistan. How far has peace-building progressed after two decades of conflict? Have the strategies been right? This paper from the Chr. Michelsen Institute (CMI), Norway reviews the developments since Bonn. It recommends new guidelines for peace-building strategies and a more specific role for Norway’s involvement in Afghanistan.

]]> Thu, 21 Feb 2008 09:41:00 EST http://intelligentcop.tigblog.org/post/337069 7.3877778 3.89638897.38777783.8963889 http://intelligentcop.tigblog.org/post/337063
Southern Africa
(Angola, Mozambique)
Great Lakes
(Burundi, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Rwanda, Uganda)
West Africa
(Liberia, Nigeria, Sierra Leone)
East Africa
(Somalia, Somaliland and Horn of Africa, Sudan)


Angola
After nearly half a century of conflict, Angola has reached a state of incomplete peace through military means. This collection of essays provides several perspectives on the nature of the conflict, the progress to peace and options for the future.

Meijer, G., 2004, 'From Military Peace to Social Justice: The Angolan Peace Process', Accord: An International Review of Peace Initiatives, Issue 15, Conciliation Resources, London
What lessons can be learned from the Angolan peace process? This report, published by Conciliation Resources in its Accord series, argues that the military peace brokered by the Angolan government may have consolidated their power as the victorious party, but that the 'peace through war approach' has hindered the process of democratisation, which relies on dialogue and negotiation. The secessionist war in the enclave of Cabinda further demonstrates that peace cannot be achieved through military force. A shift from military peace to social justice is needed to fully resolve conflict in Angola.

Mozambique
After many years of conflict and extended peace negotiations, the General Peace Agreement for Mozambique was signed in 1992, marking the start of the transition to peace. The following resources cover in turn the origins of the conflict, the process of building peace and the development of the political party system and its implications for future democratisation.

Saul, J.S., 1999, 'Inside From the Outside? The Roots and Resolution of Mozambique's Un/Civil War', in Civil Wars in Africa: Roots and Resolution, Ch. 5, ed. T.M. Ali, pp. 122 - 166
This chapter, in Civil Wars in Africa: Roots and Resolution, outlines the roots of the Mozambican conflict by considering the relative importance of internal and external factors. This analysis leads to a consideration of how these parallel forces shaped the recent resolution of armed conflict, tracing the negotiations that lead to multi-party 'democratic' elections. In each stage of this peace process, it is demonstrated that both internal and external actors played prominent roles.

Armon, J. (ed), 1998, 'The Mozambican Peace Process in Perspective', Accord: An International Review of Peace Initiatives, Issue Number 3, Conciliation Resources, London
An issue of 'Accord: An International Review of Peace Initiatives' brings together various articles recounting the history of Mozambique's anti-colonial and civil wars and the subsequent 1992 peace settlement. Mozambique's war was driven by both internal and external interests due to its links to the Cold War and conflicts with and among neighbouring states. Despite often unco-ordinated and incompatible agendas, the diverse initiatives by a wide range of state and non-state actors ensured the impetus of the peace process, resulting in the Rome talks and the 1992 General Peace Agreement (GPA). Future stability and reconciliation will depend on how successfully Mozambique's reconstruction process addresses both the poverty and political divisions that drove the war and the new tensions and trauma resulting from it.

Carbone, G.M., 2003, 'Emerging Pluralist Politics in Mozambique: The Frelimo-Remano Party System', Crisis States Programme Development Research Centre, Working Paper 23, Series No. 1, LSE, London
Multi-party politics emerged as an instrument for peace in Mozambique in 1992, marking an end to violent civil conflict and heralding a new era of democratic change. However, multi-party democracy continues to suffer from a lack of legitimacy in Mozambique. This article, published by the London School of Economics, argues that the overall transition towards a fully democratic and pluralist system has been limited, and that the crucial test for democracy in Mozambique centres on the actual turnover of power in future elections.

Burundi
Burundi has experienced several periods of violent conflict since independence; the most recent of these is the protracted civil conflict, which began in 1993. A long-running peace process has been assisted by high profile international figures. This article investigates economic interpretations for what is commonly considered an ethnic conflict.

Nkurunziza J. and Ngaruko F., 2000, 'An Economic Interpretation of Conflict in Burundi', Journal of African Economies, 9(3), pp. 370-409
What are the root causes of conflict in Burundi? This report commissioned by the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA) uses economic and political analyses to investigate the factors of the post-independence conflicts in Burundi. It argues that poverty, exclusion and the fight for control of limited resources have been underlying causes of the violence. To end the recurrence of war, the cycle of predation-rebellion-repression must be broken and there must be an end to impunity for war crimes.

This document stresses the key role of the international donor community in building peace in Burundi:

International Crisis Group, 2003, 'A Framework For Responsible Aid To Burundi';, ICG Africa Report No. 57, ICG, Brussels
The Burundian people, economy, and state structures have suffered heavily from a decade of fighting. As a ceasefire is set in place and the peace process gains momentum, the time is ripe for the international community to resume aid programmes. But how can donors also play a role in building peace? This document by the International Crisis Group examines the need for responsible aid and offers extensive recommendations to donors and the wider international community for the key role they can play in Burundi.

Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC)
The DRC has experienced two waves violent conflict since 1996, giving rise to the highest death toll of any African conflict. The transition to peace continues to be fraught with crises. This briefing paper gives a recent update of events in the DRC.

International Crisis Group, 'Pulling Back from the Brink in the Congo', Africa Briefing July 2004, ICG, Brussels
The optimism surrounding political transition in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) has been short-lived. The outbreak of violence in the Bukavu in 2004 serves as a stark reminder of the fragility of the peace process. This briefing paper, by the International Crisis Group, argues that renewed peace-building efforts in the Kivu regions are crucial to bring about lasting peace and stability. Donors can assist by supporting the transitional government, strengthening the mandate of the UN mission and by increasing pressure on Rwanda to cease all military activity in the region.

The following paper considers possibilities for peace-building that involve civilians not only as victims but as stakeholders in peace.

Kent, V. and McIntyre, A., 2004, 'From Protection to Empowerment: Civilians as Stakeholders in the Democratic Republic of the Congo', ISS Paper 84, Institute of Security Studies: South Africa
The importance of civilians as actors in conflict and supporters of the peace process needs to be acknowledged and re-defined if there is to be long-term stability and economic recovery in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). This paper by the Institute for Security Studies reveals the profound political importance of re-casting those perceived as 'victims' to understand and value their role as stakeholders, and suggests that the notion of mainstreaming must be broadened beyond the peacekeeping mandate to all aspects of the peace process.

This paper critiques the involvement of regional states in the DRC conflict, particularly the role of the Southern African Development Community (SADC).

Ngoma, N., 2004, 'Hawks, Doves or Penguins? A Critical Review of the SADC Military Intervention in the DRC', Institute for Security Studies Occasional Paper 88, Institute for Security Studies
The military intervention in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) in 1998 by only certain member states of the South African Development Community (SADC) raised questions about the state of this grouping. What has been the impact of the varying responses on sub-regional cohesion and stability? This paper by the Institute of Security Studies examines the decisions taken by important actors in SADC and analyses the implications for the survival and future of SADC.

Rwanda
An estimated 800,000 Rwandans, mostly belonging to the minority Tutsi ethnic group, were killed within a period of 100 days in 1994. This article locates the genocide within the history of Rwandan state formation.

Mamandi, M., 1996, 'From Conquest to Consent as the Basis of State Formation: Reflections on Rwanda', New Left Review no. 216, pp. 3-36
This article studies the background of and options for the Rwandan genocide of 1994. It looks at the roots of the hostilities between the Bahutu and Batutsi and how relations shifted from one of Batutsi domination to their massacre at the hands of the Bahutu.

This article takes a provocative approach to the genocide by exploring Tutsi responsibility leading up to the conflict:

Kuperman, A., 2003, 'Explaining the Ultimate Escalation in Rwanda: How and Why Tutsi Rebels Provoked a Retaliatory Genocide', Paper presented at The American Political Science Association Conference, Philadelphia, PA
The field of genocide studies has tended to focus on explaining the actions of the perpetrators and to ignore the role of victim groups and third parties. This paper, prepared for a meeting of the American Political Science Association, attempts to rectify the current bias by re-examining the roots of the 1994 genocide in Rwanda. It highlights the strategic interaction of ethnic groups and the international community.

Uganda
Security for the people of Northern Uganda has been devastated by the brutality of the long running conflict between the Lord's Resistance Army and the Ugandan government. The following resources explore the reasons behind, and initiatives to end, the violence.

Lomo, Z. and Hovil, L., 2004, 'Behind the Violence: The War in Northern Uganda', Monograph No 99, Institute for Security Studies, Pretoria, South Africa
What are the roots of conflict in northern Uganda? This monograph, by the Institute for Security Studies, argues that the war emerged on two fronts: initially as a popular rebellion against the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) and later transformed by the insurgency of the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA). The protracted nature of the war has created new conflict dynamics and led to serious consequences such as mass displacement and a military response that often fails to protect civilians. These consequences sustain a cycle of violence.

Lucima, O. (ed), 2002, 'Protracted Conflict, Elusive Peace: Initiatives to End the Violence in Northern Uganda', Accord: An International Review of Peace Initiatives, Issue 11, Conciliation Resources, London
Since 1986, the violent conflict in Acholiland region of Northern Uganda has caused countless deaths and violations of human rights, and the destruction of economic and social infrastructure. What peace initiatives have been undertaken so far? In this publication by Conciliation Resources' Accord Programme, different authors explore the history of the conflict, provide insight into the main parties involved, document key peace initiatives and analyse some of the cross-cutting issues.

Liberia
Both of the following documents relate to Liberia's complex political emergency that lasted much of the 1990s. The first paper explores the causes and consequences of the complex political emergency.

Qutram, Q., 1999, 'Liberia: Roots and Fruits of the Emergency', Third World Quarterly, vol. 20, no. 1, pp. 163 - 173
This paper discusses the origins and the political legacy of the 1990-1997 complex political emergency (CPE) in Liberia, a country which unlike most African states has never been a formal colony.
This journal issue charts and analyses the peace processes of the Liberian conflict.

Armon, J. and Carl, A. 1996, 'The Liberian Peace Process,' Accord: An International Review of Peace Initiatives, vol. 1, no. 1., Conciliation Resources, London
This paper charts the progress of conflict resolution in Liberia. Hostilities began in 1989 when the National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL) attempted to oust Liberia's then dictator, President Doe. The retaliation and resultant war were brutal, with numerous massacres of civilians - often along ethnic lines, as the army and rebel movement each comprised rival ethnic groups.

Federal Republic of Nigeria: Strategic Conflict Assessment (SCA) Report, Institute for Peace and Conflict Resolution, The Regent Ltd: Kaduna
Although Nigeria has been spared conflict on the scale experienced by many other African countries, it experiences a mass of relatively minor conflicts. This Strategic Conflict Assessment report from the Institute for Peace and Conflict Resolution, funded by DFID, UNDP, USAID and the World Bank, aimed to develop a deeper understanding of the underlying causes of conflict in Nigeria and to develop new policy responses. It focuses on the interaction between resource competition and the corruption of the political system, and calls for action in the overall area of conflict prevention.

Nigeria
Nigeria has a long history of political instability and ethnic/religious tension. Since independence Nigeria has had 30 years of military rule, returning to civilian rule in 1999. This strategic conflict assessment analyses the causes, actors and dynamics of the conflict as well as responses and policy options.

This article focuses on Nigeria as a case study to understand ethnic conflict and proposes policy recommendations.

Leith, R. and Hussein, S., 2001, 'On Ethnicity and Ethnic Conflict Management in Nigeria', African Journal on Conflict Resolution, 2 (1)
Ethnic conflict has been at the forefront of international political debates for the past decade. Is it possible to find practical solutions to reconcile diverse ethnic groups in the modern democratic state? This article examines the concept of ethnic conflict and the impact of variables such as governance, civil-military relations, economics and religion on ethnic identity. Through a case study of ethnic conflict in Nigeria, it advocates a ‘power-sharing model’ that promotes integration and co-operation as a means of overcoming differences and establishing a basis for dialogue.

Zack-Williams, A.B. 1999, 'Sierra Leone: the Political Economy of Civil War, 1991 - 1998,' Third World Quarterly, vol. 20, no.1, pp.143 - 162
This report analyses Sierra Leone's political and economic history since independence to find out what lessons can be learnt. Violence and corruption became institutional under the All People's Congress, which governed for 23 years. This led to a break down of civil society and democratic accountability.

Sierra Leone
Violence has played a leading role in Sierra Leone's post-independence history, recently characterised by the 1991-1997 civil war. This article explores the political and historical causal factors behind the recent conflict.

This paper provides a chronology of events up to 2002 and considers factors that supported peace-building initiatives in Sierra Leone.

Fitz-gerald, A.M., 2004, 'Security Sector Reform in Sierra Leone', Global Facilitation Network for Security Sector Reform (GFN-SSR), Shrivenham, UK
There is a need for more comprehensive solutions to wider security sector challenges in conflict resolution. This report, from the Global Facilitation Network for Security Sector Reform, provides an overview of the security reforms that were implemented in Sierra Leone. It serves as a set of guidelines for practitioners supporting similar programmes in the future. It argues that the different elements of a Security Sector Reform programme should be sequenced strategically.


Somalia, Somaliland and Horn of Africa
Clan-based conflict has contributed to unrest in the Horn of Africa since the unification of Somalia by colonial powers on independence. This paper provides an overview of key actors, events and peace attempts of the long running conflict.

Cornwell, R., 2004, 'Somalia: Fourteenth Time Lucky?', Occasional Paper 87, Institute for Security Studies
Somalia is one of the ongoing nation-building exercises which seems to have established itself as a permanent feature on the international landscape. After a succession of failed attempts, what is the likelihood that the current round of negotiations will achieve sustainable results? Compiled for the Institute for Security Studies, this paper provides an account of modern Somali history, charting the perennial problems that have dogged peace negotiations and that seem likely to impede nation-building endeavours for some time to come.

This article examines peace-building and governance experiences in Somaliland and the implications for Somalia.

Jama, M.A., 2003, 'Somalia and Somaliland: Strategies for Dialogue and Consensus on Governance and Democratic Transition', Paper Prepared for the UNDP Oslo Governance Centre
How can a peaceful democratic state be built out of several clan-based, faction ridden, territorial entities? This paper, prepared for the UNDP Oslo Governance Centre, examines peace building in Somaliland and looks at its experience of forging effective institutions of governance. Set in the context of a review of the collapse of Somalia as a unified state, it offers lessons and implications for Somalia as a whole.

The following paper identifies the causes of conflicts, obstacles to and prospects for peace processes across the horn of Africa, including Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia and Somalia.

Nyuot Yoh, J.G., 2003, 'Peace Processes and Conflict Resolution in the Horn of Africa', African Security Review, 12(3), pp. 83-93
Discussion of the issues of war, peace and development in the Horn of Africa require critical analysis of the situation in each country (Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia and Somalia). How can just and lasting solutions to the conflicts in this region be found? What are the initiatives and obstructions to peace, both regionally and in each country? This paper published in the African Security Review of the Institute for Security Studies in South Africa evaluates the peace process in the region.

Sudan
Sudan has suffered one of Africa's longest civil wars. This article discusses competing perceptions of the conflict and the potential for peace.

Sudan also currently faces a humanitarian crisis and allegations of genocide in the Darfur region. This report provides background to the development of the conflict in Darfur and the key actors involved.

International Crisis Group, 2004, 'Darfur Rising: Sudan's New Crisis', ICG Africa Report No 76, ICG, Nairobi/Brussels
The Intergovernmental Authority for Development (IGAD) peace talks in Kenya between the government of Sudan and the insurgent Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) face deadlock. The steadily worsening, ethnically polarised conflict in Darfur forms the biggest threat to the IGAD peace process and the stability of the country as a whole. This paper by the International Crisis Group offers recommendations to Sudanese and international players aimed at addressing the conflict that would risk the lives of some 7 million people.

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Page contents

Where is a good place to start?
Regional approaches to conflict management
The international community
UK Government approaches
Additional information resources


Where is a good place to start?
The following briefing introduces ideas behind regional and international approaches to conflict prevention, describing regional African initiatives and the policies of the EU.

Alexander, L., Higazi, A. Mackie, J. et al., 2003, Regional Approaches to Conflict Prevention in Africa. European Support to African Processes, ECDPM In Brief 4, Maastricht
The situation is ripe for enhancing regional approaches to conflict prevention in Africa. This paper, published by the European Centre for Development Policy Management and International Alert, argues that the EU should adopt a broader view of regional conflict prevention by involving all stakeholders including civil society, local and multinational business and parliamentarians. A more integrated strategy is required to ensure a holistic and mutually-reinforcing approach at continental, regional, national and local levels.

Regional approaches to conflict management
Regional networks may be the most effective and legitimate external actors for conflict management. Conflicts often involve regional causes and dynamics such as insecurity and poor governance in neighbouring countries, the presence of cross-border rebel groups, and regional illegal or grey trading networks. Regional cooperation institutions, such as the Association for South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the African Union (AU), have increasingly begun to work to promote peace and stability. Approaches range from diplomacy, to peacekeeping, to regional cooperation over infrastructure and regional public goods.

The following paper highlights the challenges to building regional 'security communities' in Africa, and outlines innovative sub-regional conflict prevention approaches.

Shaw, T., 2003, Conflict and Peacebuilding in Africa: The Regional Dimensions, WIDER Discussion Paper No. 2003/10
What are the patterns of conflict in African wars? What role do non-state actors play in these conflicts? This paper for the United Nations University World Institute for Development Economics Research (UNU/WIDER) analyses and compares regional conflicts in sub-Saharan Africa. The author argues that the causes and characteristics of Africa’s conflicts are heterogeneous. Continental perspectives need to be replaced by regional ones in order to develop policies for peace.

The NEPAD African Peer Review Mechanism is designed to promote stability, economic growth and good governance.

Cilliers, J., 2003, Peace and Security through Good Governance; A Guide to the Nepad African Peer Review Mechanism, Institute for Security Studies Occasional Paper No. 70, Institute for Security Studies

This paper examines how policymakers can respond to destabilising regional economic trading networks.

Studdard, K., 2004, War Economies in a Regional Context: Overcoming the Challenges of Transformation, International Peace Academy, New York
What is the relationship between the regional dimensions of war economies and peacebuilding in post-conflict situations? This report, published by the International Peace Academy, argues that the failure to consider the regional dynamics of war economies undermines peacebuilding efforts. Policy-makers should distinguish between economic activities that pose a threat to peace processes and activities that contribute to social and economic stability. Certain informal regional economic activities that are presently ignored or criminalised should be incorporated into peacebuilding and reconstruction strategies.

The international community
An increasingly popular phrase to describe the collection of organisations, mechanisms, and relationships through which the international community manages conflict is the 'International conflict architecture'. Although there is consensus that the current system is failing to prevent or manage conflict adequately, there remains controversy over how the system should be reformed. International responses to conflict and insecurity may help to reduce conflict, but they can also aggravate conflict dynamics. There are challenges over the legitimacy of interventions, and over coordination and competing agendas between different external actors. The resources below address various forms of international intervention, including diplomatic, developmental assistance, peacekeeping and military intervention. They cover a range of actors, including the UN, the EU, NATO and individual country governments.

The concept of the 'Responsibility to Protect' was developed with the aim of addressing tensions between human rights, state sovereignty and legitimacy of military intervention. Like most attempts to redesign the international conflict architecture, this proposal is controversial. For example, disagreements remain over how best to balance the need to respond effectively and quickly to the threat of genocide, with the need to avoid inappropriate or unjustified invasion.

International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty, 2001, ‘The Responsibility to Protect’, International Development Research Centre, Ottawa
When, if ever, is it appropriate for states to take coercive - and in particular military - action, against another state for the purpose of protecting people at risk in that other state? This paper, by the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty, argues that where a population is suffering serious harm and the state in question is unwilling or unable to halt or avert it, the principle of non-intervention yields to the international responsibility to protect.

Brahimi, L. et al 2000, 'Report of the Panel on UN Peace Operations', United Nations, New York
This report commissioned by the UN Secretary-General assesses the shortcomings of the existing peacekeeping system and makes recommendations for change. Force alone cannot create peace; it can only create the space in which peace may be built. Member states have to summon the political will to support the UN politically, financially and operationally to enable the United Nations to be truly credible as a force for peace.

The following two UN reports are some of the most recent policy statements concerning the future of the international conflict architecture.

United Nations, 2004, 'A More Secure World: Our Shared Responsibility', Report of the Secretary-General's High Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change, United Nations
The changes that have taken place in the world since the Millennium Declaration demand that consensus be revitalised on key challenges and priorities. What are these and how can they best be achieved? This report, by United Nations Secretariat, suggests that security, development and human rights must be advanced together, otherwise none will succeed. The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) can be met by 2015, but only if all governments dramatically increase their efforts.

UN Secretary-General, 2005, 'In Larger Freedom. Towards Development, Security and Human Rights for All', Report of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, United Nations

This conference report explores the record and potential of the UN, EU and NATO in international peace operations.

Luckham, R., 2004, The International Community and State Reconstruction in War-torn Societies, Journal of Conflict, Security and Development, Vol. 4, No. 3
What are the problems of state-reconstruction in war-torn societies? This paper from the Journal of Conflict, Security and Development, examines the role of international actors in the hugely ambitious project of rebuilding states after war. The study argues that the traditional linear model of conflict progression as pre-, during, and post-conflict, with attendant progression from relief to reconstruction and development, is too simplistic. Effective interventions must take account of individual contexts, have national "buy-in", and must be founded on good political and moral principles to gain legitimacy.

The following is one of the most comprehensive studies of the international community's response to a conflict, encompassing the response before, during and after the 1994 genocide in Rwanda.

Danida, 1996, The International Response to Conflict and Genocide: Lessons from the Rwanda Experience, Vol. 1-5, Danida

The following reviews UN operations in Afghanistan, East Timor, Kosovo and Sierra Leone.

Darendorf, N., 2003 A Review of Peace Operations: A Case for Change, Kings College, London
In 2000, The Brahimi Report made recommendations for improving peace operations, but insufficient progress has taken place since. This synthesis report from the Conflict, Security and Development Group at Kings College London explores why this is the case. The report is based on a comprehensive review of three core peace operations in East Timor, Kosovo and Sierra Leone, as well as insights from ongoing operations in Afghanistan. It argues that whilst the continuing relevance of the Brahimi Report needs to be recognised, it does have limitations in light of developments on the ground.

It is generally acknowledged that conflict impacts women and men differently. Women account for the vast majority of those adversely affected by armed conflict, highlighting the special needs of women and girls in conflict contexts. It is also becoming increasingly recognised that women have a significant role to play in the prevention, management and resolution of violent conflict. In 2000, the UN passed Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security which has placed the issue of women and armed conflict on the international agenda.

The following UNIFEM document presents guidelines for incorporating a gender perspective into the transformative processes that follow conflict.

United Nations Development Fund for Women, 2005, ‘Securing the Peace: Guiding the International Community towards Women’s Effective Participation throughout Peace Processes’, UNIFEM, New York
How and why should women be involved in peace processes? This paper from the United Nations Development Fund for Women highlights the importance of involving women at every stage of peace negotiations and gives recommendations for how this might be achieved in practice. It argues that when approaching the task of ending war, the stakes are too high to neglect the resources that women have to offer.

UK Government approaches
The British Government is working on new and emerging approaches to conflict, security and development, and fragile states. This section provides the latest policy statements and strategy documents in this area.

The Cabinet Office has produced the following paper mapping the causes of instability and developing a strategic response.

Prime Minister's Strategy Document, 2005, 'Investing in Prevention. An International Strategy to Manage the Risks of Instability and Improve Crisis Response', a PMSU Report to the UK Government, London
How can the UK improve its strategic approach to countries at risk of instability? This paper from the Prime Minister’s Strategy Unit outlines the challenges and risks of instability. It identifies practical steps the UK Government can take to improve its prevention and response strategies in partnership with other international actors. It argues that more effective action will require common or aligned strategic approaches across all countries and key international agencies

DFID's strategy document on security and development:

Department for International Development, 2005, 'Fighting Poverty to Build a Safer World: A Strategy for Security and Development', DFID, London
What is the link between security and development? What is the best way to achieve both? This strategy paper by the United Kingdom Department for International Development (DFID) outlines how DFID, through its commitment to fighting poverty, can help tackle insecurity among the poor. It explains the complex connections between security and development and sets out how DFID can build security by working with poor people, their governments and international partners.

The UK Government has developed a joined-up approach to dealing with conflict-affected countries. The Global Conflict Prevention Pool and the Africa Conflict Prevention Pools are jointly managed by DFID, the Ministry of Defence and the Foreign and Commonwealth Office.

Department for International Development, 2004, 'Evaluation of the Conflict Prevention Pools. Synthesis Report', DFID Evaluation Report, London
How effective has the UK Governments approach to conflict prevention been through the Conflict Prevention Pools (CPPs)? What lessons have been learned and what recommendations are there for the way forward? This Evaluation Report, prepared for the Department for International Development, offers the first evaluation of the CPPs based on consultation between the various departments and conflict prevention teams.

DFID's latest policy statement on working in 'fragile states':

Department for International Development, 2005, 'Why We Need to Work More Effectively in Fragile States', DFID, London
Why has aid not reduced poverty in fragile states? Why do donors need to work more effectively in fragile states, and how should they go about this? This policy paper from the Department for International Development (DFID) brings together the latest analysis from DFID and others on how to make development more effective in fragile states. It sets out some objectives and makes commitments about how DFID will work differently in the future.

Additional information resources
African Union (AU)

Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)

New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD)

Southern African Development Community (SADC)

Department of Peace Studies, University of Bradford
This university department has a Centre for International Cooperation and Security.

Institute for Security Studies, Pretoria
This research institute carries out research, consultancies and training on security and justice issues, including regional approaches working across Southern Africa.

International IDEA, Stockholm
International IDEA is an inter-governmental organisation that seeks to promote democracy across the world, through research, training and capacity development, and the production of tools for practitioners. It works on post-conflict democracy and transitional justice.

International Peace Academy, US
IPA is an independent, international institution aiming to promote the prevention and settlement of armed conflicts through policy research and development. IPA has a completed programme on UN, NATO and other regional actors in the 21st century and on strengthening regional approaches to peace operations.

The OECD DAC Network on Conflict, Peace and Development Co-operation
This is an international forum working on conflict prevention and peacebuilding, involving experts from bilateral and multilateral development agencies, including from the UN system, EC, IMF and World Bank.

United Nation's Department of Peace Keeping Operations
This web site has a section on resources from the best practices unit, and details of all current missions.

UN Department for Political Affairs (DPA)
This web site addresses issues such as conflict prevention, peace building, and Security Council Affairs, and includes detailed information on the activities and reports of UN agencies.

UNDP Bureau for Crisis Prevention and Recovery (BCPR)
The UNDP's BCPR has a webpage on Conflict Prevention and Peacebuilding, which outlines its conflict-sensitive approach and includes a short document on conflict analysis.

UK Conflict Prevention Pools
DFID's website hosts the GCPP evaluation documents. The FCO has a conflict prevention pools web page, including a CPP strategy document.

UK Government Post-Conflict Reconstruction Unit
This interdepartmental unit was created to build the UK Government's capacity to deal with post conflict stabilisation.

West Africa Network for Peace building (WANEP)
WANEP is a regional network of peacebuilding initiatives in West Africa.

Working Group on Women, Peace and Security
This project monitors and works toward rapid and full implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1325.
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Some reconstruction efforts occur in states experiencing protracted violent crises. It may not be desirable to reconstruct institutions that existed before the onset of violent conflict, as the institutions might never have existed in the first place, or might have been part of the causes of conflict. Post-conflict governance involves difficult challenges. They include destroyed infrastructure, weak institutional capacity, and financial constraints. At the same time, there are huge needs for governance functions such as the rule of law and service delivery. There are also challenges around how to identify and respond to reform opportunities (including gender issues), and the sequencing of reconstruction efforts in different sectors. The challenges and opportunities vary widely depending on the type of conflict and peace process, so contextual knowledge is vital.

Page contents

Where is a good place to start?
Political systems
Post-conflict public financial management
Aid policy and conflict-affected contexts
Service delivery
Where is a good place to start?
The following paper warns of the need for humility from the international community when engaging in the complex field of state reconstruction.

Luckham, R., 2004, 'The International Community and State Reconstruction in War-torn Societies', Chapter 1 in After Intervention: Public Security Management in Post-Conflict Societies: From Intervention to Sustainable Local Ownership, Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF), Geneva
What are the problems of state-reconstruction in war-torn societies? This paper from the Journal of Conflict, Security and Development, examines the role of international actors in the hugely ambitious project of rebuilding states after war.

The following document provides practical guidance on rebuilding capacity and institutions in post-conflict situations, including electoral systems, parliamentary development, public administrative reform, and the justice and security sectors. In each case it introduces the likely challenges and offers entry points for programme design.

United Nations Development Programme / Chr. Michelsen Institute, Norway , 2004, Governance in Post-Conflict Situations, Background paper for working group discussions, Bergen Seminar, UNDP/CMI, Oslo
What is the best way to rebuild governance institutions and the rule of law following a conflict? How can nations rebuild trust and promote dialogue? This paper prepared by the Chr Michelsen Institute for the UNDP draws on recent experiences of post conflict governance in countries like Timor Leste and Afghanistan.

World Bank, 2003, Building Capacity in Post-Conflict Countries, World Bank Conflict Prevention and Reconstruction Unit, Social Development Notes no. 14, Washington
When conflicts end, both the local population and international community have high expectations that living conditions in a country will improve. To achieve this, capacity must be built up quickly. This article from the World Bank publication Social Development Notes argues that the best option is to create permanent capacity, and suggests lessons for more sustainable capacity building.

This paper argues that a gender approach to all aspects of post-conflict reconstruction is vital in order to restore peace and prosperity.

Zuckerman, E. and Greenberg, M.E., 2004, The Gender Dimensions of Post-Conflict Reconstruction, Paper presented at the Making Peace Work Conference, WIDER, 4-5 June 2004
Why do post-conflict reconstruction (PCR) programmes need to address gender relations and equality? How can gender be ‘mainstreamed’ in PCR interventions? This draft conference paper by Gender Action considers gender, particularly the needs of women, in post-conflict situations. PCR programmes commonly fail to recognise and address gender issues. Investing in women and promoting gender equality are necessary both for maintaining peace and achieving sustainable development.

The ECDPM's 2001 study of European Commission responses to conflict and fragile states generated the following set of lessons on timing, strategy, institutional arrangements and coherence.

Higazi, A., 2003, Dilemmas And Definitions In Post-Conflict Rehabilitation, European Centre for Development Policy Management (ECDPM), Maastricht
What are the major dilemmas of post-conflict reconstruction, and how can the European Union (EU) respond? This paper from the European Centre for Development Policy Management (ECDPM) discusses this question in the light of an ECDPM research project on assistance to six conflict-affected African countries. It argues there needs to be a higher tolerance of risk in post-conflict programmes and that flexibility, responsiveness and high levels of co-ordination are essential.

Political systems
This section provides resources on efforts to rebuild, reform or create new political institutions in states affected by conflict. The resources cover activities to promote stable democracies, including constitutional and electoral arrangements and parliamentary strengthening.

State institutions can be severely weakened or subverted by conflicts. Conflicts are often caused by failures in political systems, including lack of legitimacy, political violence and political exclusion. As a result, reconstruction must respond to political grievances in order to ensure that conflicts between groups can be addressed within the political system. International interventions to rebuild state institutions after violent conflict involve challenging dilemmas. These include designing institutions that can accommodate intractable divisions, ensuring the participation of excluded groups, supporting local ownership and promoting legitimacy of political reforms, and tensions between short-term stability and the longer-term goals of reconciliation and democratisation.

This chapter concludes an edited volume about the challenges of constitutional design in several transitional contexts.

Bastian, S., and Luckham, R., 2003, 'Conclusion: The Politics of Institutional Choice,' in Can Democracy be Designed? The Politics of Institutional Choice in Conflict-Torn Societies, eds S. Bastian and R. Luckham, Zed Books, London
Can democracy be designed? Or are political constitutions always dependent on accident and force? This study looks at the situation in South Africa, Ghana, Uganda, Boznia-Herzogovina Sri Lanka and Fiji and suggests that there are no easy answers to these questions.

The following paper provides a good overview of the challenges, dilemmas and dangers involved in post-conflict state reconstruction.

Cramer, C. and Goodhand, J., 2002, 'Try Again, Fail Again, Fail Better? War, the State and the 'Post-Conflict' Challenge in Afghanistan', Development and Change, vol. 33, no. 5, pp.885-909
Peace and reconstruction in Afghanistan require a significant expansion of institutionalised economic interdependence. This must build on existing patterns of interdependence, despite these being forged in a war economy. The article argues that an effective, centralised state, with a clear monopoly of violence, is necessary. This argument challenges standard international policy paradigms of reconstruction and points to an alternative basis for international engagement in Afghanistan.

International IDEA produced this handbook of practical guidance on post-conflict democracy building, covering constitution building, electoral systems and human rights instruments, among other topics.

Harris, P., and Reilly, B., 1998, Democracy and Deep-Rooted Conflict. Options for Negotiators, International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, Stockholm
How do we get an agreement at the negotiating table that will deliver a sustainable and peaceful outcome to a violent conflict? This handbook, by the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA), offers practical advice to negotiators and politicians to assist them in creating durable solutions to long-term violent conflicts. It suggests that the process of negotiation, and the agreed outcomes, need to be structured so as to maximise the prospects of democracy taking root in the post-conflict period.

The following is an introduction to the various aspects of electoral assistance, laying out dilemmas and lessons learned in post-conflict contexts. It includes an overview of debates about the relative advantages of consociational and 'centripetal' electoral systems for divided societies.

Reilly, B. 2004, Electoral Assistance and Post-Conflict Peacebuilding - What Lessons Have Been Learned? Paper presented at the WIDER Conference on Making Peace Work, 4-5 June 2004, Helsinki
Since the end of the Cold War, there has been an unprecedented growth in the number of electoral democracies, particularly in post-conflict societies. What lessons have been learned from the role of international assistance for elections in societies emerging from violent conflict? This paper from UNU/WIDER argues that the ‘quick fix’ approach to elections that is often promoted by international actors has created more problems than it has solved. International actors should focus on putting in place the short-term conditions for a transition to democratic rule by helping to create coherent and robust political institutions, rather than engaging in broader attempts at social engineering.

The following is a good piece on the role of post-conflict elections in building peaceful politics.

Lyons, T., 2004, Post-Conflict Elections and the Process of Demilitarizing Politics: the Role of Electoral Administration, Democratization, Vol. 11, No.3
How can the process of peace implementation increase opportunities for post-conflict elections to promote the dual goals of war termination and democratisation? This article from the journal ‘Democratization’ tackles this question by examining interim regimes in general, and electoral administrations in particular, in seven post-conflict countries. It argues that when these institutions are based on joint problem solving and consultation they may demilitarise politics and help transform institutions to sustain peace and democratisation. The international community should put more emphasis on processes that shape how parties to conflict relate to each other during transition.

This chapter from an edited volume explores ways in which democratic deficits can be tacked, to avoid inequalities leading to conflict, and to promote inclusive politics based on broad consent and common citizenship in countries emerging from identity-based conflict.

Luckham, R., Goetz, A. and Kaldor, M., 2003, 'Democratic Institutions and Democratic Politics' in Can Democracy be Designed? The Politics of Institutional Choice in Conflict-Torn Societies, eds S. Bastian and R. Luckham, Zed Books, London
Contemporary governance debates often assume the positive contribution of democracy to civil and political equality, poverty reduction, and conflict resolution. This paper makes a distinction between institutions and politics, seeking to demonstrate that the spread of democratic institutions does not guarantee the spread of democratic politics. This is argued on the basis of an analysis of the meanings of democracy and through an exploration of the potential of democracy for creating politics of inclusion, poverty reduction, and conflict resolution. The paper investigates ways in which democratic institutions can be designed to foster democratic politics that embody popular demands for participation, social justice and peace.

Post-conflict public financial management
Post-conflict governments often experience constraints due to extremely limited resources and public financial management capacity. Violent conflict can have a severe impact on institutions, especially where public financial management systems have been undermined or bypassed during the conflict. Accountability often suffers particularly during conflicts.
Resources on public financial management in post-conflict contexts tend to focus on the management of security spending.

Ball, N. and Holmes, M., 2002, 'Integrating Defence Into Public Expenditure Work', Department for International Development, London
The importance of security to development has become widely recognised in recent years. This report, commissioned by the UK's Department for International Development (DFID), argues that donors need to accept security and the defence sector as one core component of a well functioning public sector and adjust their policies accordingly. The report presents options for the World Bank and other donors for incorporating the defence sector into public expenditure work.

The following paper considers fiscal institutions and social contracts, considering how broad or narrow distribution of public resources can affect the chances for sustainable peace.

Addison, T. and Murshed, M., 2001. The Fiscal Dimensions of Post-Conflict Reconstruction UNU/WIDER Discussion Paper No. 2001/49
What are the fiscal dimensions of conflict? What are their implications for reconstruction? This paper by the United Nations University World Institute for Development Economics Research examines these questions using research on African conflicts. The authors find that fiscal dimensions are always significant even if they are not always the most important factor, and usually have a regional as well as combatant impact. There needs to be a better understanding of the incentives of fragile-state governments to improve fiscal institutions, and the role that conflict has in affecting their motivation.

This document examines the role of oil in undermining financial accountability, and the impacts for governance and stability.

Gary, I. and Karl, T.L., 2003, Bottom of the Barrel: Africa's Oil Boom and the Poor, Catholic Relief Services, Baltimore
How can Africa’s oil boom contribute to alleviating poverty? What policy changes should be implemented to promote the management and allocation of oil revenues such that it will benefit ordinary Africans? This study from the Catholic Relief Services (CRS) assesses the new situation and argues that it offers great opportunity but also great peril for countries beset by wide-scale poverty.

Aid policy and conflict-affected contexts
Development aid was traditionally suspended during violent conflicts, and assistance was limited to humanitarian relief until peace was restored. With increased awareness that violent conflicts do not follow set paths, and that some contexts involve complex and protracted crises, there has been a trend towards increased flexibility in donor approaches to conflict. This involves new aid instruments, which have been developed to deliver aid in the context of contested legitimacy, shadow institutions and capacity constraints caused by conflicts or fragile states.

The following report is a detailed examination of changing aid policy in response to protracted crises. Chapter five examines aid instruments in particular.

Harmer, A., ed., 2004, Beyond the Continuum. The Changing Role of Aid Policy in Protracted Crises, Humanitarian Policy Group Report No. 18, Overseas Development Institute, London
Until recently, assistance to countries in protracted crises was seen only in terms of humanitarian aid. This review by the Overseas Development Institute argues that there has been a shift in the linking of relief and development. It suggests that policy has moved towards areas of shared responsibility. However, it warns that humanitarian actors must communicate more clearly and fully the distinctiveness of their experience in these environments and work with development actors to explore common ground.

The following considers the World Bank experience with multi-donor trust funds (MDTFs), one example of aid mechanisms developed for post-conflict situations.

Schiavo-Campo, S., 2003, Financing Aid Management in Post-Conflict Situations, CPR Working Paper Number 6, Social Development Department
What has been learned from financing post-conflict reconstruction? How should aid moneys be channelled and allocated? What is the architecture of the aid management entity of the recipient government? What is the proper interaction among donors and between donors and the government in post-conflict settings? How can the dilemma between short-term urgencies and longer-term institutional development be managed?

This quantitative study from the World Bank analyses absorptive capacity in post-conflict countries. It finds that because of initial constraints to absorptive capacity, development assistance is most effective in the middle of the post-conflict decade. Yet, by this point, the funds available from donors have often declined.

Collier, P. and Hoeffler, A. 2002, Aid Policy and Growth in Post-Conflict Societies, World Bank Policy Research Working Paper 2902, Washington D.C.
Countries coming out of conflict are in atypical need of both financial resources and policy advice. Their societies are often extremely fragile and so it is important that the response of the international development community should be as appropriate as possible. However, have donor responses taken into consideration the special circumstances of post conflict societies to allocate aid? Has aid allocation been effective in those situations? Have these countries received aid and advice according to their particular needs?

Service delivery
Post-conflict contexts tend to combine extensive and urgent demand for service delivery with weak institutions and severe financial constraints. Non-state providers may offer advantages where state institutions have been weakened and subverted during conflict. However, excessive reliance on non-state delivery may further undermine state capacity and ownership. Flexibility in approaches to service delivery in conflict-affected contexts is often emphasised as essential, in line with the protracted and complex nature of many violent conflicts. The old distinction between humanitarian relief and development assistance is increasingly rejected by policy makers, and there is increased attention to the challenges of effectively working in 'grey area' in between humanitarian relief and development assistance.

The following DFID report examines the challenge of maintaining services for poor people in conflict-affected areas of Nepal.

Armon, J. et al, 2004, Service Delivery in Difficult Environments: the Case of Nepal, Policy Division, Asia Policy Division, and the Nepal country office, Department for International Development
What are the challenges for service delivery in difficult environments? What lessons can be learnt from the conflict areas of Nepal? How effective are different strategies for delivering services to the poor and the vulnerable? This collaborative report from the DFID Nepal Office, Asia Policy Regional Policy Unit and DFID Policy Division (PD) describes the different approaches development agencies have used to support service delivery in Nepal and highlights key areas for future support.

The following document traces the development of aid policy towards crises, and contrasts the 'relief-development continuum' agenda, developed during the 1990s, with more recent trends.

Harmer, A., ed., 2004, Beyond the Continuum. The Changing Role of Aid Policy in Protracted Crises, Humanitarian Policy Group Report No. 18, Overseas Development Institute, London
Until recently, assistance to countries in protracted crises was seen only in terms of humanitarian aid. This review by the Overseas Development Institute argues that there has been a shift in the linking of relief and development. It suggests that policy has moved towards areas of shared responsibility. However, it warns that humanitarian actors must communicate more clearly and fully the distinctiveness of their experience in these environments and work with development actors to explore common ground.

These notes from the World Bank summarise preliminary lessons learned on civil service reform in conflict-affected contexts.

World Bank Conflict Prevention and Reconstruction Unit, Rebuilding the Civil Service in a Post-Conflict Setting. Key Issues and Lessons of Experience, World Bank, CPR Dissemination Note 1, March 2002

The following DFID-commissioned study asks whether service delivery can help prevent conflict.

Vaux, T. and Visman, E., 2005, Service Delivery in Countries Emerging from Conflict, Bradford University, Report for Department for International Development, London
What is the role of service delivery in promoting social and political pro-poor change? How does it contribute to the avoidance of future conflict? How does it strengthen institutions in countries emerging from conflict? This report, by Bradford University, examines service delivery in Mozambique, Uganda, Cambodia and East Timor. It looks at the relationship between service delivery and violent conflict, showing how it changes. It tries to determine appropriate and sustainable service delivery systems.

The following two documents are selections from the large literature on education delivery and conflict.

Smith, A., and Vaux, T., 2003, 'Education, Conflict and International Development', Department for International Development
What is the relationship between education and conflict, and how should the education sector respond to conflict? This paper, written for the Department for International Development, argues that more attention should be paid to the fact that education is not always a force for good and can sometimes help create the conditions for conflict. Donors need to consider this when allocating resources.

Buckland, P., 2004, Reshaping the Future: Education and Post-Conflict Reconstruction, World Bank, Washington D.C.
What is the relationship between education systems and conflict? How should policymakers deal with education in post-conflict situations? This paper by the World Bank (WB) argues that schools are usually complicit in conflict. Simultaneously, reforming education is viewed as a critical element in the strategy to reduce the risk of conflict or relapse into conflict. Conflict presents not only challenges for reconstruction but also significant opportunities for reform of education systems.

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Page contents

Where is a good place to start?
The cost-effectiveness of conflict prevention
International approaches to conflict prevention
Conflict-sensitive approaches
What other resources are available on the GSDRC?
Additional information resources



Where is a good place to start?
This paper traces the history of external developmental approaches to violent conflicts. It outlines the evolution of thinking and practice, including the 'Do No Harm' approach and conflict prevention agendas.

Uvin, P., 2002, 'The Development/Peacebuilding Nexus: A Typology and History of Changing Paradigms', Journal of Peacebuilding and Development, vol. 1, no. 1
The nexus between development and peace has become a central focus of development thinking and practice. What should the relationship between development aid and peace building be? This article from the Journal of Peace building and Development presents and critiques a typology of seven ways in which this interaction has historically been conceived.
Access full text: via document delivery.

The following resource pack introduces theory, principals and provides practical guidance for external agencies on conflict-sensitive approaches.

FEWER, International Alert and Saferworld, 2004, Resource Pack on Conflict-Sensitive Approaches, FEWER, International Alert and Saferworld

The cost effectiveness of conflict prevention
The catastrophic personal, social, economic and governance costs of conflict demonstrate the importance of conflict prevention. A recent series of papers centred around the Copenhagen Consensus in 2004 – a project set up to prioritise a list of solutions to the world’s greatest challenges - presented the results of cross-country statistical analysis estimating the cost-effectiveness of conflict prevention.

Collier, P. and Hoeffler, A., 2004, ‘The Challenge of Reducing the Global Incidence of Civil War’, Copenhagen Consensus Challenge Paper
This paper, prepared for the Copenhagen Consensus, focuses on the challenge of reducing the incidence of civil war by looking at the costs and benefits of five different policy interventions. It argues that whereas some instruments would be radically uneconomic, some could offer remarkably large returns. Such interventions include international action to improve domestic governance of resource rents and curtailing rebel access to natural resource markets.

International approaches to conflict prevention
Prevention can address all stages of conflicts, including stopping the onset of violence, diffusing situations of tension and crisis, containing existing conflicts, and preventing violent conflict from re-emerging. At all stages, this can include long-term measures to address the structural causes of conflict and to prevent societal conflict from becoming violent. The diverse and complicated causes of conflict make prevention extremely challenging. Approaches require thorough political and socio-economic analysis. This section provides resources on international approaches to conflict prevention. The approaches of donor governments can include designing aid to address the structural causes of conflict and joined-up approaches to a range of development, trade, foreign policy and security issues involving coordination across departments.

The following two documents provide recommendations for how donors can design development assistance that contributes to conflict prevention.

Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, 2001, ' Helping Prevent Violent Conflict' OECD, Paris
The Development Assistance Committee (DAC) guidelines provide ways for donor governments to honour their commitment to conflict prevention as an integral part of the quest to reduce poverty. Based on experience provided by practitioners, they identify concrete opportunities for donor assistance in support of peace that include: democratisation; inter-community relations; education and cross-cultural training; human rights training; freedom and access to information; the reintegration of uprooted populations; the demobilisation of former combatants; and the restoration of a capacity for economic management.

The OECD-DAC Conflict Prevention Network has also produced a series of short Issues Briefs on Preventing Conflict and Building Peace that highlight good practice and entry points in key areas including understanding conflict prevention and social drivers of conflict.

Sriram, C.L. and Wermester, K., 2003, ‘From Promise to Practice: Strengthening UN Capacities for the Prevention of Violent Conflict’, International Peace Academy, New York
Conflict prevention has risen to the fore of the United Nations’ policy agenda since the end of the 1990s. Despite the promise to move from a culture of reaction to a culture of prevention, there are significant shortcomings in the practice of preventing violent conflict. This report, published by the International Peace Academy, claims that the UN system should develop more conflict-sensitive programming by incorporating the regional and sub-regional dimensions of conflict. The UN should also recognise the role that development professionals play in responding to conflict.

The UK Government has developed a joined-up approach to dealing with conflict-affected countries. The Global Conflict Prevention Pool and the Africa Conflict Prevention Pools are jointly managed by DFID, the Ministry of Defence and the Foreign and Commonwealth Office. The following report evaluates the progress to date.

Department for International Development, 2004, ‘Evaluation of the Conflict Prevention Pools: Synthesis Report’, DFID Evaluation Report, London
How effective has the UK Governments approach to conflict prevention been through the Conflict Prevention Pools (CPPs)? What lessons have been learned and what recommendations are there for the way forward? This Evaluation Report, prepared for the Department for International Development, offers the first evaluation of the CPPs based on consultation between the various departments and conflict prevention teams.

The Cabinet Office has produced the following paper mapping the causes of instability and developing a strategic response to prevention.

Prime Minister's Strategy Document, 2005, 'Investing in Prevention. An International Strategy to Manage the Risks of Instability and Improve Crisis Response', a PMSU Report to the UK Government, London.
How can the UK improve its strategic approach to countries at risk of instability? This paper from the Prime Minister’s Strategy Unit outlines the challenges and risks of instability. It identifies practical steps the UK Government can take to improve its prevention and response strategies in partnership with other international actors. It argues that more effective action will require common or aligned strategic approaches across all countries and key international agencies.

This study describes the peacebuilding activities of Germany, the Netherlands, Norway and the UK.

Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 2004, ‘Towards a Strategic Framework for Peacebuilding: Getting their Act Together’, Overview Report of the Joint Utstein Study of Peacebuilding, Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs
The term peacebuilding entered the international vocabulary in 1992 through the UN Agenda for Peace. Peacebuilding attempts to encourage the development of the conditions, attitudes and behaviour that foster and sustain social and economic development that is peaceful, stable and prosperous. This Utstein study of peacebuilding was commissioned by the development ministers of Germany, The Netherlands, Norway and the UK. It contains a survey of peacebuilding projects with the aim of improving the implementation of existing policy.

Different approaches to conflict prevention include promoting legitimate and equitable political, justice and security institutions, and supporting civil society organisations that promote peace or human rights.

The following paper urges for a focus on addressing horizontal inequalities in approaches to conflict prevention.

Stewart, F., 1999, 'Crisis Prevention: Tackling Horizontal Inequalities', Working Paper no. 33, QEH, University of Oxford
Civil wars not only cause huge amounts of human distress, but are also a major cause of low incomes. Hence, their prevention should be a central aspect of poverty reduction strategies. Yet in the past this has not been so. This Queen Elizabeth House working paper draws attention to conflict prevention.

Reforming the security sector to promote legitimacy, accountability and human rights can be an important part of conflict-prevention strategies. More resources on this issue can be found in the Security and Development topic guide.

Greene, O., 2003, ‘Security Sector Reform, Conflict Prevention and Regional Perspectives’, Journal of Security Sector Management, Vol. 1, No. 1
What is the added-value of regional or sub-regional approaches to security sector reform (SSR) and conflict prevention strategies? This article, published in the Journal of Security Sector Management, argues that the UK government and other donors should assist in establishing or further developing regional and sub-regional SSR programmes due to the cross-border nature of many security challenges. Equally, donors should strengthen their ties with established regional mechanisms and institutions to facilitate links between SSR programmes and wider conflict prevention activities.

The need to mainstream gender into conflict analyses is acknowledged, although much still needs to be done to ensure this is carried out. The following document presents an initial framework on how to ‘engender’ conflict early warning.

Schmeidl, S., with Piza-Lopez, E., 2002, 'Gender and Conflict Early Warning: A Framework for Action', International Alert, London
This paper is divided into two: part one offers a brief overview of definitions, processes and development of conflict early warning, and part two examines links between gender and early warning, and identifies areas where the integration of a gender perspective can improve existing models. By drawing on the experiences of a number of different conflicts throughout the world, a list of gender- sensitive early warning indicators are proposed for the purpose of verification and expansion. The paper concludes with a set of recommendations for future research and action, with particular emphasis on conducting empirical tests on the assumptions put forth.

The following paper argues among other things that the causes of conflicts are so long-term that early warning approaches to conflict prevention are unlikely to be successful.

Nathan, L., 2004, 'The Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse' The Structural Causes of Crisis and Violence in Africa, DESTIN Research Seminar Series, London School of Economics
Is external intervention in Africa successful in solving violent conflicts? Does it manage to address the structural causes of violence or does it exacerbate the problem? Are the “early warning” and “crisis prevention” approaches effective? This article explores these questions and adopts a radical stance by challenging the main approaches in conflict prevention and resolution. Focusing on examples from South Africa and Zaire, the article criticises the pattern of Western intervention in Africa and suggests a thorough examination of the structural causes of internal conflicts.

This DFID-commissioned study asks whether service delivery can help prevent violent conflict.

Vaux, T. and Visman, E., 2005, Service Delivery in Countries Emerging from Conflict, Report for DFID
What is the role of service delivery in promoting social and political pro-poor change? How does it contribute to the avoidance of future conflict? How does it strengthen institutions in countries emerging from conflict? This report, by Bradford University, examines service delivery in Mozambique, Uganda, Cambodia and East Timor. It looks at the relationship between service delivery and violent conflict, showing how it changes. It tries to determine appropriate and sustainable service delivery systems.

The following document provides a case study of how conflict was avoided in Ghana.

Hutchful, E., 2003, Pulling Back from the Brink. Ghana's Experience, in Governing Insecurity, Democratic Control of Military and Security Establishments in Transitional Democracies, Cawthra, G. and Luckham, R. (eds), Zed Books, London
How did Ghana avoid violent conflict during the 1970s and 1980s, despite a failing state, economic crisis and loss of state monopoly over institutionalised violence? This chapter has interesting implications for Drivers of Change analysis as it describes the combination of factors that allowed the state to reform and avoid the pattern of escalation of state repression and political violence common to many African countries' descent into conflict. A combination of particular state economic, political and security reforms and flexibility of the state in adapting its support base in response to stages in the reform process were important in achieving economic growth and conflict prevention. However there were limits to the success of the reforms, and Hutchfall also emphasises the role of Ghana's strong social networks and vibrant civil society in avoiding conflict.
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Conflict-sensitive approaches
In recent years, conflict-sensitive approaches to development, relief and peacebuilding interventions have been developed, which aim to minimise negative impacts and maximise support for the dynamics of peace. Conflict sensitivity involves thorough analysis of the context in which an intervention takes place, and of the interaction between the context, conflict or peace dynamics, and the intervention. Programming should be based closely on this analysis, and should adapt in response to regular monitoring and evaluation.

FEWER, International Alert and Saferworld have pioneered approaches to conflict sensitivity, and have developed a pack for external agencies. This pack covers theory and principles, as well as practical guidance on conducting analysis, planning, implementing, monitoring and evaluation and capacity building.

FEWER, International Alert and Saferworld, 2004, Resource Pack on Conflict-Sensitive Approaches, FEWER, International Alert and Saferworld

The ECDPM's 2001 study of European Commission responses to conflict and fragile states generated the following set of lessons on timing, strategy, institutional arrangements and coherence.

Higazi, A., 2003, ‘Dilemmas And Definitions In Post-Conflict Rehabilitation, European Centre for Development Policy Management’, Maastricht
What are the major dilemmas of post-conflict reconstruction, and how can the European Union (EU) respond? This paper from the European Centre for Development Policy Management (ECDPM) discusses this question in the light of an ECDPM research project on assistance to six conflict-affected African countries. It argues there needs to be a higher tolerance of risk in post-conflict programmes and that flexibility, responsiveness and high levels of co-ordination are essential.

This report offers insights into how interventions in conflict situations can help to transform regional war economies.

Studdard, K., 2004, ‘War Economies in a Regional Context-Overcoming the Challenges of Transformation’, International Peace Academy, New York
What is the relationship between the regional dimensions of war economies and peacebuilding in post-conflict situations? This report, published by the International Peace Academy, argues that the failure to consider the regional dynamics of war economies undermines peacebuilding efforts. Policy-makers should distinguish between economic activities that pose a threat to peace processes and activities that contribute to social and economic stability. Certain informal regional economic activities that are presently ignored or criminalised should be incorporated into peacebuilding and reconstruction strategies.

With the global resurgence of religion and religious conflicts, many analysts have also begun to consider the potential role of religion in conflict transformation.

Smock, D.R. (ed.), 2006, 'Religious Contributions to Peacemaking: When Religion Brings Peace, Not War,' United States Institute of Peace, Washington D.C.

What other resources are available on the GSDRC?
Thorough understanding of conflict causes and dynamics and the impact of development assistance is needed for programming to be conflict-sensitive in practice. With this aim, conflict assessment methodologies have been developed by donors such as the DFID, UNDP, USAID, and the World Bank. More information is available in the conflict assessments section of this topic guide.


Additional information resources
Conflict-Sensitive Approaches - FEWER/International Alert/Saferworld
This is a key resource pack on conflict sensitive approaches, developed through collaboration between the NGOs International Alert and Saferworld, and the FEWER network.

Conflict Prevention Web
This is a USAID funded project for the Greater Horn of Africa Initiative. The website provides tools and strategies on conflict prevention for practitioners.

The OECD DAC Network on Conflict, Peace and Development Co-operation
The OECD DAC's CPDC, is an international forum working on conflict prevention and peacebuilding, involving experts from bilateral and multilateral development agencies, including from the UN system, EC, IMF and World Bank.

Do No Harm Project, Collaborative Development Action (CDA)
CDA is a US development consultancy firm, with an online web resource on the 'Do No Harm' agenda originally proposed by Mary Anderson in a seminal 1996 book. It is concerned with limiting the negative impacts of development and humanitarian interventions in conflict situations.

The European Union's Conflict Prevention and Civilian Crisis Management Page
This page provides an introduction and documents on the EU's policies in this area.

International Alert
International Alert is an NGO working to build lasting peace through capacity building, mediation and dialogue. It carries out advocacy and produces policy analysis, available on the website, covering the conflict aspects of themes such as business, gender, religious, and small arms and light weapons.

The International Peace Academy (IPA)
IPA is an independent, international institution aiming to promote the prevention and settlement of armed conflicts through policy research and development. IPA's Conflict Prevention webpage contains many online publications and workshop reports on donor approaches in this area.

Global Partnership for the Prevention of Armed Conflict
The Global Partnership for the Prevention of Armed Conflict is an international network of organisations working in conflict prevention and peacebuilding worldwide. One of its research programmes examines relationships between civil society, governments and the UN.

USAID Office of Conflict Management and Mitigation
The USAID's internal Office of Conflict Management and Mitigation has a website housing conflict assessments, an 'essential reading' list, and forthcoming toolkits and resources on conflict warning and analysis.

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Inequality (political, economic, social, 'grievances')
Identity (mobilisation of groups with shared ethnic or religious identities)
Political factors (crises of state legitimacy, weak state institutions)
Economic factors (economic motivations for engagement in conflict, 'greed')
Political economy (where access to resources is determined by violence)
International factors (trade, regional instability, development assistance).
It is generally agreed that none of these factors act alone, but that it is the dynamics, or interplay, between the factors that can lead to violence. For example, political and economic inequalities can enable elites to manipulate ethnic or religious identities into violent conflict. Natural resources may not cause conflict, but they may prolong it, and are often central to the political economy of war.

Page contents

Where is a good place to start?
Inequality, poverty and conflict
Identity and conflict
Political causes of conflict
Economic and political economy explanations

Where is a good place to start?
The following paper is a policy-oriented analysis of the structural causes of conflict in Africa, highlighting the importance of governance. It seeks to overturn assumptions and to develop a sophisticated approach to analysing crises.

Nathan, L., 2004, 'The Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse: The Structural Causes of Crisis and Violence in Africa', DESTIN Research Seminar Series, London School of Economics, London
Is external intervention in Africa successful in solving violent conflicts? Does it manage to address the structural causes of violence or does it exacerbate the problem? Are the "early warning" and "crisis prevention" approaches effective?

The following article analyses data across 161 countries to identify factors that increase the risk of civil war. The paper finds that ethnic or religious diversity is not a risk factor, but that poverty, political instability, rough terrain and large populations do involve a higher risk of armed conflict.

Fearon, J. and Laitin, D., 2003, Ethnicity, Insurgency, and Civil War, American Political Science Review 97(1), pp. 75-90
What factors lead to civil war? Is there a link between civil conflicts and ethnicity? In contrast to traditional views, this paper from Stanford University argues that the current prevalence of civil wars results from the steady accumulation of protracted crises from the 1950s and 1960s onwards, rather than recent changes in the post-Cold War world system. Moreover, issues such as poverty, political instability and weak states contribute to the outbreak of civil wars as they favour rebel recruitment and lead to corrupt counterinsurgency practices.
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DFID's strategic conflict assessments provide in-depth analysis of the causes and dynamics of conflict in particular country cases. These studies can be accessed in the conflict assessments section of this topic guide.


Inequality, poverty and conflict
Poverty and inequality are often cited as both causes and outcomes of conflict. Whether or not conflict becomes violent may depend on the type of inequality and the way in which it is created. Grievances can become particularly severe where there are horizontal inequalities between the opportunities and access to resources of different groups. Causes of horizontal inequalities can include unequal legal and citizenship rights, or discriminatory public spending and services. Social exclusion can also occur as a result of conflict, affecting for example unemployed and excluded youth combatants returning from conflict or women who are stigmatized because of rape during conflict.

The following two papers examine the concept of horizontal inequalities and the impact on development and social stability.

Stewart, F., 2004, Horizontal Inequalities: A Neglected Dimension of Development, CRISE Working Paper No. 1
Why are groups important for individual welfare and social stability? When and how do horizontal inequalities lead to conflict? Current thinking about development places individuals firmly at the centre of concern for analysis and policy. Attention is focussed on inequality between individuals. This paper by the Director of the Centre for Research on Inequality, Human Security, and Ethnicity (CRISE), UK, explores why groups are important for individual welfare and social stability, and argues that inequalities between culturally formed groups (horizontal inequalities) are an important but neglected dimension of development.

Ostby, G., 2004, ‘Do Horizontal Inequalities Matter for Civil Conflict?’, International Peace Research Institute, Oslo.
Do nationwide inequalities between social groups increase the likelihood of civil conflict? This paper from the International Peace Research Institute, Oslo, compares levels of economic, social and health-related inequality between ethnic groups with the risk of civil conflict in 33 developing countries. It argues that, while there is no statistically important link between economic or health-related indicators and civil war, there is a strong connection between social inequality and conflict.

The next paper examines the conditions under which economic inequality would lead to conflict.

Cramer, C., 2003, 'Does Inequality Cause Conflict ?', Journal of International Development, vol.15, pp. 397-412
What is the role of economic inequality in civil conflict? This paper from London University assesses the shortcomings of recent research and suggests that economic inequality is hugely important to explaining civil conflict, but only insofar as the economic is viewed as inseparable from the social, political, cultural and historical.
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The following paper traces the various ways in which violent conflict impacts on poverty and inequality.

Luckham, R., Ahmed, I., Muggah, R. and White, S. 2001, 'Conflict and Poverty in Sub-Saharan Africa: An Assessment of the Issues and Evidence.' IDS Working Paper 128, Institute of Development Studies, Brighton
Conflict is a major determinant of poverty; and poverty remains the major course of conflict. Armed conflict has affected over half of the countries in Sub- Saharan Africa over the last twenty years. Analysis of the linkages between conflict and poverty remain inadequate, including the effect of conflict on economic, social and political structures. Understanding these linkages is essential to bring peace and development.


Identity and conflict
Some approaches to understanding conflict focus on the role of identity. Ethnic or religious identities are frequently cited explanations of conflict. However, popular explanations of conflict caused by a 'clash' between different ethnic or religious groups have been discredited as simplistic by academic research. Such explanations contain problematic assumptions about the innate characteristics of identity, assuming that it is unchanging and uniform, rather than being individually defined and constantly changing through time. Conflict is also sometimes reduced to 'irrational hatreds', ignoring the role of inequalities, and political and economic factors. However, accounts that take note of how identity is socially constructed do offer important insights into the causes of conflict. For example, disaffected groups may mobilise around shared identities, or elites may manipulate and redefine identities and stereotypes in order to further their own agendas.

Van Hoyweghen, S. and Vlassenroot, K., 2000, 'Ethnic Ideology and Conflict in SSA. The Culture Clash Revisited', in Politics of Identity and Economics of Conflict in the Great Lakes Region, eds R. Doom and J. Gorus, VUB Press, Brussels
How did the concept of ethnicity emerge and to what extent is it linked to colonialism? What is the relationship between ethnicity and conflict within Sub-Saharan Africa? This article explores the complexity of ethnic conflicts though examining the social and political context on the ground. It summaries the theoretical debate on ethnicity, explores the context in which ethnicity emerged and examines post-colonial politics to explain ethnicity within African societies today. It argues that current ethnic conflict should be understood as a form of intensified political and economic competition, not as a result of ethnic hatreds.
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Avruch, K., Culture and Conflict Resolution, United States Institute for Peace, Washington, DC
What is the role of culture in conflict resolution? Culture provides a way for us to talk about the world’s social, political, religious, economic and psychological context – and yet the place of culture in theories of negotiation has remained peripheral. The fourth part of the book, ‘Culture and Conflict Resolution’ examines how culture has been used or ignored in some classic conflict resolution techniques. In particular it discusses third party interventions, and highlights two problem-solving workshop practitioners, Burton and Lederach. Ultimately, in any sort of intercultural conflict resolution, a cultural analysis is an irreducible part of the process.
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The global rise in ethnic and religious conflict has renewed interest in the relationships between religion and violence. Many analysts argue that religion is not the dominant cause factor for conflict, but that the potential for violence increases when religious factors overlap with and enforce social, economic and political factors.

Appleby, S. R., 2000, ‘The Ambivalence of the Sacred’, Rowman and Littlefield, Lanham
Under what conditions do religious actors become violent? Under what conditions do they reject violence? How do non-violent religious actors become agents of peacebuilding? This book from the Carnegie Commission on Preventing Deadly Conflict examines these questions using a number of case studies from different religions. It argues that a new breed of religious peacemakers have the capacity to advance the cause of peacebuilding in troubled regions, and deserve greater recognition and support.


Political causes of conflict
One of the fundamental roles of governments is to manage conflict and resolve grievances in a peaceful and consensual manner. The onset of violent conflict often involves conflict management failures linked with shortfalls in state legitimacy and weak state capacity. In addition, where states lack the capacity to enforce the rule of law or control the use of violence, there are opportunities for rebel groups and international criminal networks to operate. In turn, conflicts weaken state institutions, and may further undermine state responsiveness and legitimacy.

The following three papers offer nuanced analyses of the role of state failures in the onset and dynamics of conflict. All three argue that common assumptions need to be questioned in order to design appropriate responses.

Cliffe, L. and Luckham, R.,1999, 'Complex Political Emergencies and the State: Failure and the Fate of the State,' Third World Quarterly, vol.20, no.1, pp. 27-50
This paper provides an analytical framework to explore the different origins, shapes, and outcomes of CPEs, with a strong focus on the characteristics of the state before, during and after a conflict. The report seeks to draw practical lessons from CPEs around the world, with special reference to Africa, where most post cold-war conflicts have, and are still, occurring. It strongly warns against the danger of over- simplification, however, instead concentrating on the characteristics of a conflict.

Nathan, L., 2004, 'The Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse' The Structural Causes of Crisis and Violence in Africa, DESTIN Research Seminar Series, London School of Economics
Is external intervention in Africa successful in solving violent conflicts? Does it manage to address the structural causes of violence or does it exacerbate the problem? Are the "early warning" and "crisis prevention" approaches effective?

The following paper looks specifically at state collapse.

Doornbos, M., 2002, 'State Collapse and Fresh Starts: Some Critical Reflections', Development and Change, vol. 33, no. 5., pp.797-815
Incidences of state collapse appear to be on the increase. What does this mean? What are the triggers? What are the implications of collapse both internally and internationally? This study, from the Institute of Social Studies, The Hague, examines these questions and argues that the solutions offered by the international community need to be informed by a understanding of the particular circumstances that gave rise to a state's collapse.

The final paper in this section explores the relationships between conflict and fiscal institutions. Among other things, it examines the role that bad fiscal management can play in the causes of conflict.

Addison, T. and Murshed, M., 2001. The Fiscal Dimensions of Post-Conflict Reconstruction UNU/WIDER Discussion Paper No. 2001/49
What are the fiscal dimensions of conflict? What are their implications for reconstruction? This paper by the United Nations University World Institute for Development Economics Research examines these questions using research on African conflicts. The authors find that fiscal dimensions are always significant even if they are not always the most important factor, and usually have a regional as well as combatant impact. There needs to be a better understanding of the incentives of fragile-state governments to improve fiscal institutions, and the role that conflict has in affecting their motivation.
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Economic and political economy explanations
No matter what beliefs and ideologies are involved, all armed conflicts are funded by economic activities. Conflict economies develop and can perpetuate the use of violence and create disincentives for peace. Economic relations may become coercive and peacetime economic activities may be disrupted or looted by belligerents. Trade in commodities during conflicts can also interact with and reinforce other causes of conflict, including state weakness and lack of accountability. This section examines each of these issues in turn.

In the late 1990s, a number of academic studies countered popular assumptions that war is irrational or senseless by highlighting the role of personal profit and 'rational choice' in individual motivations for engaging in violence. The following frequently cited article introduces the role of economic motivation in conflict.

Keen, D. 1997, 'A Rational Kind of Madness,' Oxford Development Studies, vol. 25, no. 1, International Development Centre, Oxford
This paper looks into pre-modern history to explain the seemingly senseless nature of war and violence. It is revealed that in history wars have not always been fought for the purposes of winning them. Rather, the goal has been material profit. The economic dimension of warfare has been central for decisions as to whether to start a war or end it. This is argued also in relation to contemporary conflicts. The cases of the civil wars in Sudan and Sierra Leone are considered within this framework.

Two popular concepts in academic and policy debates on the causes of conflict are 'greed' and 'grievance' as motivating factors for individual engagement in war economies. These are examined in the following document.

Collier, P. and Hoeffler, A., 2004, 'Greed and Grievance in Civil War', World Bank, Washington
Are civil wars really caused by political repression, inequality, or religious and ethnic differences? What roles do factors other than grievance play in rebellion? This paper for the World Bank looks at the causes of civil war, using a new data set of wars during 1960-99. The authors test a `greed’ theory focusing on the ability to finance rebellion, against a `grievance’ theory focusing on political factors, concluding that greed considerably outperforms grievance as an explanation of the causes of civil war.

The following World Bank book goes beyond the greed and grievance arguments, to develop a more comprehensive analysis of conflict causes.

Stern, N. 2003, 'Breaking the Conflict Trap: Civil War and Development Policy', Policy Research Report, World Bank/Oxford University Press
This document introduces a Policy Research Report from the World Bank on the relationships between civil war and development, citing two reasons for turning international attention to civil wars.

The next paper provides a useful caution about the potential dangers of rationalist explanations of conflict.

Cramer, 2002, 'Homo Economicus Goes to War: Methodological Individualism, Rational Choice and the Political Economy of War', World Development Vol. 30, No. 11 pp. 1845-1865
Why have neoclassical economic theories of war become popular in recent years among donors and policy-makers? Is there an alternative framework for examining conflict? This paper from the School of Oriental and African Studies claims that orthodox neoclassical economic theories have converged with conflict studies through rational social choice models. It argues that rational social choice theories are based on unconvincing and misleading theoretical and empirical assumptions. In contrast, an alternative approach can be used to understand contemporary wars based on an analysis of social relations from a political economy perspective.
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High value natural resources such as precious minerals can play a significant role in the political economy of war. The key texts below show how the potential to extract huge profits and rents from resources can create incentives for violence. Even where natural resources do not cause the onset of violence, they can become important perpetuating factors as part of the political economy of conflict and by encouraging poor governance.

Ross, M., 2003, 'What Do We Know About Natural Resources and Civil War?', University of California, Los Angeles
What is the relationship between natural resources and violent conflict? What causal mechanisms produce these outcomes? This study by the University of California reviews recent cross-national econometric and qualitative studies. It suggests that collectively they imply four underlying regularities in the relationship between natural resources and civil war. There is a wealth of data on causal links in specific conflicts but it is difficult to generalise. There are plausible theories behind each of the patterns, though efforts to test them are still in their infancy.

The following paper critically assesses the limitations of resource curse and rentier state explanations of conflict, highlighting the role of politics in determining how resources are exploited.

DiJohn, J., 2003, 'Mineral-Resource Abundance and Violent Political Conflict: A Critical Assessment of the Rentier State Model' Crisis States Working Paper No. 20, Development Studies Institute, London School of Economics, London
How useful is the idea of a 'resource curse' in understanding the causes of conflict in low and middle-income countries? This paper from the Crisis States Programme at the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE) critically examines this argument on both methodological and empirical grounds. It finds little convincing evidence that mineral abundance in itself causes conflict, and argues that the most influential models of conflict offer only a superficial understanding of the causes of conflict in poor economies.

This paper draws out the policy implications of resource conflict arguments, and examines the impact of these issues on poverty in Africa.

Karl, T.L. and Gary, I., 2003, 'Bottom of the Barrel: Africa's Oil Boom and the Poor', Catholic Relief Services, Baltimore
How can Africa’s oil boom contribute to alleviating poverty? What policy changes should be implemented to promote the management and allocation of oil revenues such that it will benefit ordinary Africans? This study from the Catholic Relief Services (CRS) assesses the new situation and argues that it offers great opportunity but also great peril for countries beset by wide-scale poverty.

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